Until a competing revolutionary world view arrives, no one suspects that a solution might be framed outside of this dominant world view. A high birth rate and an influx of immigrants (many not from England) would virtually double that population during the years of the “revolutionary generation,” over a third of whom would leave the seaboard areas for land in the interior. Beginning with a mentality of equality, a few Americans did not stop with an ideology of republicanism, but carried the analysis a step further, toward a world view of empire. The egalitarian program necessitates the creation of an elite group of guardians whose task it will be to administer the new order. Thus, the Revolution, they believed, would be “ultimately sustained by a basic transformation of their social structure.” Obviously, that ideal could hardly be considered a conservative Revolution. The first group, representing the mechanics and artisans of the burgeoning colonial urban centers, resented being cut off from full participation in the political system and its expanding social differentiation. It can be classified as revolutionary and evolutionary, as two valid, different ways of changing organizational culture … Governance is something in which pride is taken, not a chore. Without entering into a discussion of Beard’s interpretation, some of his economic data may be incorporated into a valid social interpretation of the Constitution. Before the war, many women stayed at home with the family or worked jobs that were considered … A tenet of radical Whiggism detailed in Lois Schwoerer, “No Standing Armies!” The Antiarmy Ideology in Seventeenth Century England grew out of the “Standing Army” controversy in England. This elite concept fosters the innuendo that such a minority simply manipulates the majority to do its bidding. Iranian Revolution, popular uprising in 1978–79 that resulted in the fall of the Pahlavi dynasty and the establishment of an Islamic republic. Everyone is encouraged to innovate. Organisations that have been able to build a culture of evolutionary change, however, can often cope with external shocks without the need for revolutionary change. A number of inequalitarians do feel some paternalistic concern for those beneath them, which may well be reciprocated from a few below. It is a radical change that occurs quickly comparing to evolutionary change. Indeed the Penn claim was rapidly becoming the most valuable single holding in the Western world. The equalitarian society is characterized by the idea of equality before the law. In their study of history the radical Whigs had concluded that the internal threat of a standing, professional, volunteer army far outweighed its potential utility against a foreign threat. To what extent did differences occur within the overall development of a rapidly expanding economy in which many were moving upward, though some more rapidly than others? Viewed in this light, it is evident that the British never took the first step toward victory. Designed to aid that government chartered monopoly, the East India Company, the Act culminated in the famous Boston Tea Party (December 16, 1773). Today we know that the irregular, people’s army functioned far more effectively than was formerly imagined. The alternative of independence without empire might satisfy the great majority of the people; it was certainly less acceptable to a segment of the leadership concerned with empire. Our essay seeks to set the mass of recent scholarship of the American Revolution within the unifying paradigm of the sociology of revolution—of revolution as a people’s war. “What I call virtue in the republic is the love of the patrie, that is to say, the love of equality.”. Little more than might have been negotiated in 1778. What provoked the final crisis, of course, was the Tea Act. The militia regularly made British light infantry, German Jager, and Tory raiders pay a price, whatever the cost to the militia itself, for their constant probing, foraging, and marauding. Violence gets attention plain and simple. On the shifting social pattern imposed by the State Berthoff and Murrin are worth quoting at length: exploitation of legal privilege became the single greatest source of personal wealth in the colonies in the generation before Independence. From a sociological perspective, the courageous army that struggled through that memorable winter at Valley Forge was hardly representative of either the army or the population supporting it. This does not happen automatically. In the American Revolution, those who sought to comprehend the larger role of the British mercantile system, or Empire, were thereby propounding a world view that integrated social, economic, and political events. Finally, a word is in order about the Tories, or Loyalists. So do I. It’s a marvellous place. Ideology and Legitimacy in Revolutions. But that strange union of agrarianism and nationalism is difficult to sustain without the ultimate use of force to retain what are conceived of as the agrarian virtues. The totality of these paradigms constitute his world view and seldom conflict with each other. On the contrary, one area—Bergen County across the Hudson from New York City—was under the guns of the British and thereby contested for during virtually the entire course of the War. It can initiate an assault, capture, and hold extensive territory. Many companies that eschewed revolutionary change or that were not quick enough in coping with the change, sold or closed their assets down in all geographical areas of the world. Only after the emergence of secular humanism during the Renaissance did this concept of revolution, as a cause of the desecration of society, change to embrace a more modern perspective. Strangely enough, in stressing this broad panorama, modern scholarship has just recently caught up with the popular social unrest which was perceived by many at the time. The Country Party included men so wedded to a world view of agrarian independence that they wanted nothing to do with a financial, commercial, market revolution, with or without State interventionism. The dysfunctional aspects are characterised by an inability to make a decision, lack of accountability, poor morale amongst the direct reports, slow progress towards goals, and a constant reprioritisation of activities. It fights best when the enemy invades its community. On the other side of the conflict is the social class associated with the possibility of reorganizing society--the force capable of carrying out a "revolutionary reconstitution in society." Those who have lived through the last decade of change in America can appreciate the situation facing British officials after 1763. As John M. Head notes in A Time to Rend: An Essay on the Decision for American Independence, “As late as the fourth week of June, what the members of Congress would do about…independence was not irrevocably established.” Certainly, the advocates of independence were concerned not only to vote it through, but that it win more than a slight majority. Caroline Robbins’s The Eighteenth Century Commonwealthman indicates many Whigs thought of themselves as in the tradition of the Levellers of the English Revolution, and those views, stressing equality and liberty, were transmitted across the ocean to the New World. Certainly, neither virtue nor mass support of a population can guarantee victory—a superior foe willing to employ a pacification program involving mass genocide may win—but the support and involvement of the people is a necessary prerequisite to victory in revolutionary warfare, and it is significant that this aspect is now in the process of rediscovery. Consultants’ tools and models are just tools and models, the means to an end, not the end themselves. Ideas cannot exist independent of some subject, content, and context. But the most striking feature of the writings celebrating the Bicentennial has been the absence of any new, fresh interpretation explaining the broader meaning of that historic occurrence. Risks are determined and managed consistent with the organisation’s vision, goals, and values. His correspondence with Washington makes plain that the Dutchman commanded a better understanding of the essentials of revolutionary guerrilla warfare than did his Commander‐​in‐​Chief. 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